The stunning revelations included the discovery that the FBI opened the probe, fearing that Trump was secretly working in Moscow, and detailed his "extraordinary" efforts to hide his private conversation content with Putin.
In an interview with Fox News on Saturday evening, Trump denied that he was trying to hide details of his dealings with Putin.
"I didn't save anything under the casing. I didn't understand less. I think it's so funny. These people do it," said Trump.
But the deeply reported accounts question why Trump, with the knowledge that he and his campaign are being researched on links with Russia, is so often acting to increase suspicion of his link with Moscow.
There is also growing concern in Washington about the consequences of the Kremlin's exact knowledge of what happened at Putin's meetings with Trump in the world, but his own highest foreign policy assistance is missing.
The situation is related to new questions about Trump's past business relations with Russia and whether the Kremlin has the information that is used to compromise the president and can explain what often seems to be an attempt to impede his actions.
If, as the White House says, Trump has no threat to relations with Russia, why does he go out of his way to hide the interaction with Putin? Maybe he does not trust his team so as not to suppress detailed information about his meetings?
The latest reports further exacerbate the hot climate in Washington, which is polarized by the closure of the government caused by the dispute over the border of the Trump border, which is now reaching its fourth week.
The possibility that House Democrats could eventually try to accuse the President has been reverberating for months in the capital, and recent reports of Trump and Russia are unlikely to calm the mood.
The White House is under attack by the media about Trump and Putin, the last couple of press spokesmen Sarah Sanders last weekend.
But neither the president nor his assistants have ever offered enough explanation as to why, as the president says or does, from his praise to Putin, his intelligence about US intelligence services about their assessment of Russian election interactions and his hostility towards US allies – often prefer the Kremlin.
Although there is no evidence to date that Trump is Russia's influence, such a scenario – though staggering, given that he is the President of the United States – would help explain why his policy so often supports Moscow.
This includes his hostility towards NATO, his sudden announcement of US withdrawal from Syria, supported by the Kremlin, his recent comment that the Soviet Union was based in Afghanistan in 1979, and his willingness to accept the Russian version of misleading claims.
Short warmth against authoritarian leaders, dissatisfaction with international organizations, support for Britain's departure from the European Union and coolness towards liberal, international democracy are also helping to further Putin's goal of discrediting political institutions and trust in the West.
Even the chaos and political polarization of Trump has been delayed in America, which corresponds to Putin's desire to see the world's highest democratic powers and shocks, and may be a long-lasting return on Russia's activities in 2016. t
Some observers have seen such activity as a form of collusion with Russia – hostile power – apparently even when the Trump command is investigated for alleged violations.
Trump with siege
The new events follow the week-long annoying revelations and submissions of a special advisory Robert Mueller investigating the recurring links between Trump's partners and Russia at a time when the Kremlin was conducting the 2016 intelligence operation to bring Trump into office and Trump arrived for contacts.
The President has responded to the stunning reports of the weekend, continuing the attack, again denying that in 2016 his campaign and Russia cooperated, and in response to a report that the FBI investigated, why the President appeared to have acted in a way that benefited Russia after he dismissed the office director James Comey, claiming that this is a symptom of corruption with a state pre-trial law enforcement agency.
It is true that the Trump administration has taken a few steps that fit into an authentic policy on Moscow. This includes sanctions against Russia for misleading the election and confirming the sale of deadly weapons to Ukraine, a step towards the Obama administration.
But Trump's own behavior against Putin – this year at the Helsinki Summit – often appears to threaten his own administration policy.
In the coming days, the Democrats will try to block the administration's action to ease the sanctions against Oleg Deripaska, a Russian oligarch who is close to the Russian leader and is an associate ex-former President of the Trump Campaign Paul Manafort.
The latest events on Trump and Russia on Sunday were the oldest democrats on Sunday, which was a serious step in the investigation. They are going to carry out extensive surveillance work that took place in 2016 and Trump's personal and business relationship with Moscow.
"I think we see these independent actions, even independent of Mueller, which are the main and some of the reasons why this investigation began, and why so many Americans, like me, have been so long," said Democratic Sen. Mark Werner from Virginia, CNN's "State of the Union" on Sunday.
Warner also brought a case to Konstantin Kilimanik, a business partner at Manafort, who is considered a Russian intelligence asset. Legitimate legal documentation from Manafor's lawyers last week revealed that the former campaign chairman had transferred ownership campaign data to Kilimnik.
The short legal team has solved this problem. But the big unanswered question is whether the president was aware of Manafort's behavior or whether he acted alone.
There have been several other discoveries that undermine the idea that there is no collusion between Trump partners in Russia. These include talks between the former National Security Adviser Michael Flynn and the Russian Ambassador to Washington during the President's transition. President's son's desire to meet a Russian lawyer, hoping for "dirt" on Hillary Clinton's campaign also suspected.
Republicans shrug off the latest bombshells
The Republicans, at least publicly, tried to reduce the latest events.
"Washington and the rest of the country have an incredible gap when it comes to Bob Mueller and Russia's investigation," Texas's Sens Ted Cruz said about NBC's "Meet the Press".
"The main media, Washington, is obsessed with it. And when you get outside of Beltway, I don't see anyone facing it."
Wisconsin Republican Sen. Ron Johnson was not concerned about the consequences of Post's report, which Trump had confiscated his interpreter's remarks taken at his meetings with Putin, and forbade them from talking to other administrators.
"It is not a traditional president. He has an unconventional tool. But he is the President of the United States. It depends quite on who he wants to read in his talks with world leaders. Johnson said.
And South Carolina's Senator Lindsey Graham strongly insisted on a report that the FBI launched an investigation into why Trump worked in a way that seemed beneficial to Russia.
"It's amazing to me, and it tells me a lot about the people who run the FBI … I don't trust them as far as they're thrown away," Graham said about "Fox News Sunday."
The solidarity of GOP senators was a sign that the new intrigue is not a tremor for Trumpu's Republican base over Russia – a fund that was used daily by conservative media workers who rarely allowed to attack Mueller.
But this is not a guarantee that the political basis will not change when Mueller gives his final report.