Monday , March 1 2021

Prime Minister Abu Ahmed's service on socioeconomic reform in Ethiopia

Swhen Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed took office in April, his ratings ratings have increased, making him one of the most suitable post-communist politicians in Ethiopia. In recent months Ahmed has embarked on ambitious and revolutionary economic reform plans for a country currently in a state of economic instability. A key element of the Ethiopian stock market, which is an extremely important moment, is currently the world's largest non-exchange economy, until the recent US trip, Abiy Ahmed has launched his name ambitiously, putting dozens of new policies in just a few months. However, his office coincided with the peak of ethnic segregation in Ethiopia, the second African country. Ethnic conflicts have led more than one million people away from their howe are only this year. Ahmed's goal of rebuilding the Ethiopian economy with ambitious socio-economic policies can be to intensify the prevailing ethnic divide, which later hinders the further development of Ethiopia.

In fact, the Ethnic Judgment is what Ahmed commanded the Office. Over 500 civilians were killed and more than 1,600 people were detained. during and after Protest against the government in 2016 in the capital of Addis Ababa. Ahmed's predecessor, Hailemariam Desalegn Boshe, resigned from the pressure from these ethnic Oromo-led protests, and Abiy Ahmed, himself Oromo, rose to the office. Compared to his predecessors, it seems that Ahmed introduces significantly more changes in politics, apparently in favor of the state. However, the benefits of these policies have not yet reached the most under-served community, thus contributing to wealth disparities. For example, the Ethiopian stock exchange, high-risk and high-cost investments that may be the economic growth of Ethiopia are still inaccessible to most of the under-represented ethnic communities and only contribute to ethnic socioeconomic disparities that continue to contribute to conflicts throughout the country. The Ethiopian stock exchange can expect a similar outcome to the Ethiopian Commodity Exchange, a similar concept that was introduced before Ahmed's discovery "High-tech, low-impact". Outside the capital, poorer rural people have fewer opportunities to invest in stocks and participate in economic transactions and activities that are planned to be developed in many areas of Ahmed's policies. Ahmed, with a focus on industry and economic development in urban areas, effectively contributes to migration in rural and urban environments. This migration affects the spread of Ethiopian labor, as young people move to cities in search of higher jobs and opportunities and, in turn, create a socioeconomic disparity based on the urbanization and age distribution of different regions. However, research shows that investment in urban agglomerations in Africa brings long-term benefits and provides a more sustainable path to development, thereby allowing for structural change; Urban investment strengthens the long-term development of infrastructure and contributes to the long-term growth of the industry. However, the immediate ethnic crisis continues to contribute to the urbanization process and may remain an obstacle to this development and growth. Although agri-rural development initiatives are short-term solutions, Ahmed should be given priority in order to reduce ethnic conflicts before they reach a critical level, and thus Ethiopia can focus on urbanization in the future. The ensuing socioeconomic crises, which may arise due to lack of rural development priorities, can rebut Ahmed's disadvantages by focusing on urban development.

One can not overlook the fact that many Ahmed's economic projects are beneficial to urban areas. Although the recent World Bank loan of $ 1.3 billion is expected to be developed rural safety net and to promote poverty and inadequate food aid, most of Ahmed's reform policies seem to focus on the urbanization and development of major urban areas such as the city of Addis Ababa. In turn, these urban development prejudices can aggravate the economic and political exclusion of rural people, because, although Ahmed has adopted poverty reduction plans, his plans do not take into account the development of infrastructure and industry in areas of poverty in the area of ​​ethnic tension. Ahmed, focusing on the development of urban areas such as Addis Ababa, Dire Dawa and other urban areas with only 16 per cent of Ethiopia's 105 million inhabitants, will continue to have ethnically important issues, such as unequal wealth distribution and the benefit of those living in the areas of economic development, such as Ahmed's own Orom people.

The Prime Minister's recent measures, many of which are high-risk and high-cost, including the creation of a stock exchange, large public investment in the recently partially privatized Ethiopian airlinesand the direction of the Great Renaissance of Ethiopia can benefit cities and politically influential ethnic groups more than rural groups, which are less representative of the country, contributing to ethnic socio-economic disparities and threatening Ethiopian long-term social and political stability.

In addition, Ahmed continued to sanction the seizure of government land in his predecessor's footsteps. This issue is particularly tense in the Tigris region, where recent development projects, some of which were concluded with Chinese companies and US development teams, triggered the displacement of thousands of people from their homeland and death 140 people who follow the protest. The issue of confiscation of government land is also spreading in the Adisabean capital city, where the number of four million people is rising up to 8 percent per year and it's the industry. Although Ahmed's economic development policy can benefit from the growth of Addis Ababa, urban expansion in neighboring countries can contribute to the spread of seizures from government sanctions, which in turn promotes a basis for ethnic conflicts: the capture of a predecessor of government led by a particular ethnic group, without affecting ethnic relations.

In addition, Ahmed has sung strong support on the Great Diocese of Ethiopia, the "mega-dam" in Northern Ireland, which has led to many disputes with countries, namely Sudan and Egypt. Ahmed's interest in the dam can turn will lead to budget issues, and while investments can indeed benefit the national economy, or these benefits reach the most vulnerable ethnic groups, it remains questionable. Ahmed's support for the dam causes additional problems, of which the most important part of the people who can be displaced as a barrage is a reservoir. Projections from International Rivers appreciate that the dam could replace up to 20,000 people and flood 1,680 square kilometers from arable land which poses a serious threat to Benin-Gul-Ghumaz, one of the frontier countries of Sudan's neighboring Ethiopia, which is still heavily dependent on agriculture. The local bias behind forced displacement and the flood of such a large area of ​​land may also exacerbate ethnic tensions as the central government harms the tribe and the pagan land. However, some argued that economic benefits improved access to electricity and water, and the return on surplus energy sold to neighboring countries such as Sudan and Kenya, exceeds land losses. But regardless of whether the profits from the dam reach the people whose land is lost, the same benefits can be seriously exaggerated. In addition, although the barrier will increase the capacity of the Ethiopian power grid, more than half Ethiopians still lack electricity infrastructure to gain access to electricity, showing that it is likely that the direct benefits may not reach the most vulnerable. Prime Minister Abijam Ahmed would have to review the impact of sand scale and placement, as well as government policy on confiscation of land and ground-based compensation potential in order to resolve the crises arising from the Great Renaissance dam.

Ahmed supports Ethiopian ethnic federalism and its policy of segregation further contributes to the national culture of ethnic distribution, despite its being publicly established as a united Ethiopia. Concept ethnic federalism, in which the eight countries of Ethiopia determine their dominant ethnic group, led some to argue "Ethiopia has gone beyond any other country using ethnicity as a fundamental principle of the organization of the federal government". Ethnic-oriented federalism can affect Ethiopia as an unstable region, albeit one of the most stable countries and sub-Saharan African countries. A neutral global imbalance of ethnic distribution and instability in Ethiopia is in a situation where the decisive factors of economic development, such as the potential of foreign direct investment, will be significantly reduced. Prime Minister Abigail Ahmed must review the Ethiopian ethnic federalism policy to reach a united nation of Ethiopia rather than constant competition among many ethnic groups.

In general, Ahmed has many problems with his mission of socio-economic reform in Ethiopia. The Prime Minister's recent measures, many of which are high-risk and high-cost, including the creation of a stock exchange, large public investment in the recently partially privatized Ethiopian airlinesand the direction of the Ethiopian Great Renaissance dam can benefit cities and politically influential ethnic groups more than rural groups that are less represented, promoting ethnic socio-economic disparities and undermining Ethiopian long-term social and political stability. Abiy Ahmed might want to consider revising the Ethiopian Ethiopian federalism policy and channeling more money to social and economic equality projects – investing in industry in the Ethiopian countryside – in order to best provide Ethiopia's up-and-coming development.

Photo: Ethiopian flag

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