Tuesday , May 11 2021

Alberto Fernandes, a megaphone and damage to the image of the President who is having difficulty delegating



Alberto Fernandes reassured people with a megaphone after waking Maradona

A picture is worth a thousand words. You don’t have to be a communications graduate to know. Therefore, the appearance of a video recording the moment when Alberto Fernandes, with a megaphone in his hand, tried to stop the barbarism that unfolded after Maradona was awakened when they closed the door of Casa Rosada, it was probably the deadliest rocket launched into the image of the president since his inauguration almost a year ago.

This graphic became a mute, which immediately became a virus on social networks. Just like on that fateful day when Fernando De la Rouen didn’t know how to leave Showmatch in 2001, megaphone Alberto was the laughter of locals and strangers.

There is a central difference to the detriment of the current president. The radical thing was jeans on someone else’s ground. As funny as forgivable or justifiable. Alberto discovered his (right?) Use of power in his territory. Like the king from Hans Christian Andersen’s fairy tale, the president was literally naked in front of the society that voted for him and in front of the one that did not vote for him when he was taken over by a crowd that disobeyed any of his inaudible orders.

It was always known that Fernández had problems delegating. From day one, he was his own chief of staff, a spokesman himself, he became his health minister in the midst of a pandemic … This week he made his debut as chancellor, resigning Felipe Solá in his first conversation with Joe Biden and even being proud. to be the political operator of Martina Guzmán, publicly and privately.

But in the official hierarchical structure he had never fallen. On Thursday, December 26, Fernandes became the head of the Military House, the person responsible for guarding the operation and security of the government house. Something like La Rosada goalkeeper ??‍♀️??‍♀️.

Legend has it that for someone to be able to sit in Rivadavia’s chair, it is important that he does not see you coming. History is full of examples in this regard. In one way or another, all democracy presidents were ignored before or during their term.

Alberto is no exception. But the lack of respect with which most political classes (including much of Peronism) and power factors today speak of the current president in private, informal talks or privileged WhatsApp groups is comparable only to the reactions of the same red circle de la Rúa government in the past year.

If at first they seemed to him to sit down on Christine, and later she was called a puppet, now that it is clear that it is he and not him who decide – neither for good nor for bad. There are those who long for the Kirchnerist system in the seizure of power. This week’s role in government with the Sole case and its fictional version of the President’s and Biden’s speeches and the twists and turns of the pension formula that ended in a public dispute over the authorship of the latest changes. The increase in the decree for retirees is not taken into account, it was the level of paper that more than grace caused grief. “Miss, miss, the idea was mine, mine, my …” they pulled to the top of power.

Unusual but realistic.

Felipe Solá was one of the most important events of last week's protagonist
Felipe Solá was one of the most important events of last week’s protagonist

Alberto is not Fernando. It is crystal clear. And peronism is not radicalism. But Fernandes, when he was chief of staff to Nestor and Christine, seemed much more empowered and intimidating than he is now as president. As if standing at the top of the pyramid would be in conflict with your comfort zone.

The force decides. Decision making is execution. And execution means shifting the balance in one direction or another. And that someone always stops beating you. Fernández’s concentrated power in his person at some point seems unpleasant or confusing to him. As if he were more of an alphonist or a radical than a platformer.

Meanwhile, the ruling alliance appears to have abandoned the operation and is adjusting accordingly. In a few days, the government, and Alberto in particular, will probably have a great victory to start the election year: a sanction for the Safe and Free Legal Abortion Act. The vote in the Chamber will take place on Thursday, the 10th day, exactly one year after the transfer. And a few days later in the senators. Accounts are more than fair. Especially in the Upper House. But the green scarf there has created an unexpected pair: CFK and Martín Lousteau fight side by side for votes.

The radical senator, who lags well behind the presidential race in 2023 but is also the least worn out, is confident that they will succeed. And he is one of the few in the opposition along with MP Silvia Lospenato, who does not stop to decide whether the green victory in Congress politically complements Alberto. They defend their beliefs and ideological coherence.

But abortion is not the only issue that crosses cross-cutting interests in the middle of the gap. The other two are the abolition of the PASO and the qualification of the re-election of the mayors of Buenos Aires.

There are official and opposition operators on both issues. After the president’s meeting with the governors of the whole country – with the exception of Horacio Rodríguez Larreta – on Friday in Olivos, the possibility that there will be no PASO next year is closer to the end of speculation to make it a reality.

“If, as promised, the governors submit a bill to Congress with the signatures of all their deputies, the law will not be able to be suspended,” they say in the House of Representatives.

The mayors of Buenos Aires, meanwhile, began their move to try to perpetuate themselves for another period by legal means. After all, none of them were spearheads, but school counselors from the San Martin area and from Almirante Brown.

The movement, which has the fingerprints of Huanci Zavaletta and Gabriel Katopodis, has a difficult obstacle to overcome: the Buenos Aires Supreme Court. “They play outside of time, they had to wait. They went drought, “they described from the massismo in the Borgian metaphor, suggesting that the strategy is clear.

It is clear that at this point, everyone is beating after next year’s election rhythm. The government is already lighting candles for San Guzman. The minister, who got his first cucarda with an agreement with private bondholders and is preparing for a second, has managed to tame the leaked dollar or at least temporarily MEPs and Blue, has a mission to arrive in October next year with a wind of economic recovery.

The competition is not easy. The recovery pattern, which began as a V last month, became a square root symbol. In other words, the initial growth momentum stopped. We will see how this continues in the coming months.

For the time being, Guzmán is gradually gaining political momentum. He learned to balance without creating doubts between Alberto and Christina. He often speaks to Axel Kicilof and is acceptable in a relationship with Serhiy Thomas and Makimo.

His refusal to supply the fourth IFE provoked a great deal of internal criticism, especially from Cámpora. “He’s too fiscal to be a Keynesian,” they pointed out.

Without losing his temper (the only one who so far managed to get him out of the box was Foreign Minister Solá), warned by this warning, Guzman turned to the internal WhatsApp with his also tedious article: “Those of us who agree with Keynes think we need to do (and what we have to do with it) an expansionary fiscal policy. more expansive, but not more than possible, because if we overcome funding constraints, we will end up putting pressure on the dollar and therefore on prices.

(To be continued)

Bonus Track

Horasio Rodriguez Larreta is preparing for a power struggle in 2023
Horasio Rodriguez Larreta is preparing for a power struggle in 2023

As he has decided to hold a presidential competition, this is methodical, as Horacio Rodríguez Larreta added history and geopolitical study and meetings with political leaders to his weekly agenda. This week, it received, for example, a variegated trio: Miguel Angel Piceto, Miguel Angel Tom and Ramone Puert, equivalent to about 200 years of perism. The former vice-presidential candidate was lapidary in his diagnosis: “If you want to get there, you have to add a lot more political space to your place … with these guys around you, the city is enough, but they can’t go beyond General Paz …”.

It seems that he has learned is Mauricio Macri that, despising the thread, he now becomes the most passionate. Mayors, councilors, deputies, senators, diplomats and even school counselors stop at Olivos offices to chat with the former president.

Three years is eternity. But, as happened once with Mauricio, if Horacio does not kill the Father, it is better sooner than later, he will not come. “The problem is simple, it was sent ahead of time,” the reference also said in a Borgian tone.




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